
...
Sobre política, economía, música, deportes y otras curiosidades
...
The war on drugs has failed. And it's high time to replace an ineffective strategy with more humane and efficient drug policies. This is the central message of the report by the Latin American Commission on Drugs and Democracy we presented to the public recently in Rio de Janeiro.
Prohibitionist policies based on eradication, interdiction and criminalization of consumption simply haven't worked. Violence and the organized crime associated with the narcotics trade remain critical problems in our countries. Latin America remains the world's largest exporter of cocaine and cannabis, and is fast becoming a major supplier of opium and heroin. Today, we are further than ever from the goal of eradicating drugs.
Over the last 30 years, Colombia implemented all conceivable measures to fight the drug trade in a massive effort where the benefits were not proportional to the resources invested. Despite the country's achievements in lowering levels of violence and crime, the areas of illegal cultivation are again expanding. In Mexico -- another epicenter of drug trafficking -- narcotics-related violence has claimed more than 5,000 lives in the past year alone.
The revision of U.S.-inspired drug policies is urgent in light of the rising levels of violence and corruption associated with narcotics. The alarming power of the drug cartels is leading to a criminalization of politics and a politicization of crime. And the corruption of the judicial and political system is undermining the foundations of democracy in several Latin American countries.
The first step in the search for alternative solutions is to acknowledge the disastrous consequences of current policies. Next, we must shatter the taboos that inhibit public debate about drugs in our societies. Antinarcotic policies are firmly rooted in prejudices and fears that sometimes bear little relation to reality. The association of drugs with crime segregates addicts in closed circles where they become even more exposed to organized crime.
In order to drastically reduce the harm caused by narcotics, the long-term solution is to reduce demand for drugs in the main consumer countries. To move in this direction, it is essential to differentiate among illicit substances according to the harm they inflict on people's health, and the harm drugs cause to the social fabric.
In this spirit, we propose a paradigm shift in drug policies based on three guiding principles: Reduce the harm caused by drugs, decrease drug consumption through education, and aggressively combat organized crime. To translate this new paradigm into action we must start by changing the status of addicts from drug buyers in the illegal market to patients cared for by the public-health system.
We also propose the careful evaluation, from a public-health standpoint, of the possibility of decriminalizing the possession of cannabis for personal use. Cannabis is by far the most widely used drug in Latin America, and we acknowledge that its consumption has an adverse impact on health. But the available empirical evidence shows that the hazards caused by cannabis are similar to the harm caused by alcohol or tobacco.
If we want to effectively curb drug use, we should look to the campaign against tobacco consumption. The success of this campaign illustrates the effectiveness of prevention campaigns based on clear language and arguments consistent with individual experience.
Likewise, statements by former addicts about the dangers of drugs will be far more compelling to current users than threats of repression or virtuous exhortations against drug use.
Such educational campaigns must be targeted at youth, by far the largest contingent of users and of those killed in the drug wars. The campaigns should also stress each person's responsibility toward the rising violence and corruption associated with the narcotics trade. By treating consumption as a matter of public health, we will enable police to focus their efforts on the critical issue: the fight against organized crime.
A growing number of political, civic and cultural leaders, mindful of the failure of our current drug policy, have publicly called for a major policy shift. Creating alternative policies is the task of many: educators, health professionals, spiritual leaders and policy makers. Each country's search for new policies must be consistent with its history and culture. But to be effective, the new paradigm must focus on health and education -- not repression.
Drugs are a threat that cuts across borders, which is why Latin America must establish dialogue with the United States and the European Union to develop workable alternatives to the war on drugs. Both the U.S. and the EU share responsibility for the problems faced by our countries, since their domestic markets are the main consumers of the drugs produced in Latin America.
The inauguration of President Barack Obama presents a unique opportunity for Latin America and the U.S. to engage in a substantive dialogue on issues of common concern, such as the reduction of domestic consumption and the control of arms sales, especially across the U.S.-Mexico border. Latin America should also pursue dialogue with the EU, asking European countries to renew their commitment to the reduction of domestic consumption and learning from their experiences with reducing the health hazards caused by drugs.
The time to act is now, and the way forward lies in strengthening partnerships to deal with a global problem that affects us all.
...
... With the recession on the brink of becoming the longest in the postwar era, a milestone may be at hand: Women are poised to surpass men on the nation’s payrolls, taking the majority for the first time in American history...
... The proportion of women who are working has changed very little since the recession started. But a full 82 percent of the job losses have befallen men, who are heavily represented in distressed industries like manufacturing and construction. Women tend to be employed in areas like education and health care, which are less sensitive to economic ups and downs, and in jobs that allow more time for child care and other domestic work...
Independientemente si uno está o no de acuerdo con esta caracterización, la realidad es que este tema (México como estado fallido) está aumentando en algunos foros internacionales. Yo creo que está fuera de toda proporción.
La extrema gravedad de la inseguridad en México nos tienta con la desproporción. Tal parece que no hay manera de exagerar y que la ponderación fuera un ejercicio de autoengaño. Quien no llega en estos días a la conclusión más pesimista cierra los ojos ante lo evidente o trata de engañarnos. No hablo de la confianza del pesimista (que puede ser tan dogmática como la ingenuidad del optimista) sino del catastrofismo como el único diagnóstico creíble. Estamos envueltos en la carrera del pesimismo. Una competencia en donde gana quien presente el panorama más sombrío y describa la realidad más tenebrosa...
... Es notable el éxito que ha tenido entre nosotros la indicación de que México está en el camino de convertirse en "Estado fallido". La sumatoria de la violencia parecería suficiente para insertarnos en la funesta categoría. El apremio para aceptar la etiqueta es mala idea. No necesitamos agregar confusión y estridencia a nuestros peligros. Por el contrario, debemos nombrarlos sin engaño y medir su innegable gravedad ecuánimemente. La noción de "Estado fallido" tiene unos cuantos años en circulación. Antes de filtrarse al discurso académico, apareció en los reportes de inteligencia norteamericana en busca de nuevas amenazas tras el fin de la Guerra Fría...
... Los indicios de fracaso estatal son diversos. Académicos y militares han tratado de delinear una tabla de indicadores que es necesario atender si es que queremos emplear la etiqueta. El Fondo para la Paz y la revista Foreign Policy han desarrollado un método para medir la vulnerabilidad del Estado. Doce indicadores para precisar el fracaso de un Estado. Mediciones de procesos sociales, económicos y propiamente políticos. Entre los indicadores sociales, los cartógrafos del fracaso estatal consideran inmanejables presiones demográficas: disputas de tierra, insuficiencia de recursos para atender a una población creciente, tensiones por límites fronterizos; inestabilidad por el desarraigo de grandes poblaciones que huyen de la persecución religiosa o política; una larga historia de resentimientos y de exclusiones étnicas, un patrón de violencia entre comunidades que no recibe castigo. En términos económicos, un Estado fallido se caracteriza por distintos signos de alarma: un acelerado descenso de los niveles de vida, aumento de mortalidad infantil y de la pobreza, inflación desbocada, escasez. En el ámbito político, el Estado camina al fracaso cuando su gobierno es incapaz de cobrar impuestos, cuando se boicotean las elecciones y prospera la desobediencia civil. Los servicios públicos se deterioran y apenas sirven para el interés de la clase gobernante. La violencia política prevalece, emergen milicias privadas y grupos paramilitares mientras organizaciones internacionales se instalan para procurar cierto orden y proveer servicios mínimos a la población. Quien trate de aplicar estos medidores a la realidad mexicana se dará cuenta que, por grave que sea nuestra condición, no estamos en la liga de Afganistán, Somalia, Sudán, Zimbabwe o el Congo.
Eso no quiere decir que la crisis mexicana sea trivial. Que los problemas mexicanos no lo coloquen en la federación de estados fallidos no significa que su Estado funciona bien y eficazmente, que garantiza el orden, que respeta puntualmente sus reglas y que provee servicios de buena calidad a toda su población. La crisis del Estado mexicano es seria y los peligros que corremos, si el gobierno fracasa, son enormes. Pero no importemos acríticamente una noción que simplemente no nos retrata. Nuestro Estado es endeble e ineficaz. Está penetrado por intereses particulares y por las fuerzas del crimen. No es capaz de garantizar la legalidad ni la tranquilidad pública en todo el territorio del país y en algunas regiones, ha sido abiertamente rebasado por las mafias. Pero eso habla de la penuria, no del fracaso del Estado en el sentido que se utiliza en los foros internacionales...
Tengo la sospecha que una buena explicación de esta situación tienen que ver más con el marco laboral que con la salud.
...